National Women's Law Center
Washington, DC
November 10, 2005
Thank you Duffy for that generous introduction, and I also
want to thank you and Marcia and the National Women's Law Center for inviting
me here.
As I was thinking about tonight's dinner and all the
progress the women's movement has made in the last century, the first thing
that came to mind wasn't all the legal cases won or the legislation passed; it
wasn't the issues debated or even the individual rights secured.
I thought about my daughters.
I thought about the world that Sasha and Malia will grow up
in, about the chances they'll have and the challenges they'll face. And I
thought about my hopes for them - that they'll be able to dream without limit,
achieve without constraint, and be free to seek their own happiness.
At its heart, this has always been the essence of the
women's movement in America - the quest to ensure that our daughters will have
the same opportunities as our sons.
Now, I realize that one day, my girls will discover that
this journey is not over - that there are doors left to be open and glass
ceilings yet to be shattered.
But if they ever come to me and ask whether change is
possible - whether it's worth trying - then the people in this room and all
those who've come before will have given me an inspiring story to tell.
I'll tell my daughters that there was a time when no one
asked a young woman what she wanted to be when she grew up because everyone
already knew the answer.
But then women stood up and changed that answer.
I'll tell them there was a time when women were routinely
passed over for jobs that went to less qualified men; when they'd lose their
jobs for the crime of becoming pregnant; when female athletes would lose out on
thousands in college scholarships - a time when all of this was sanctioned by
the law.
But then women stood up and changed those laws.
I'll tell them there was a time when women could be openly
harassed and demeaned and abused right in the place where they worked or went
to school.
But then brave Americans like Anne Ladky and Nancy Kreiter
stood up and women everywhere were protected.
And when my daughters ask me whether change is possible,
I'll tell them that there was a time when a woman who graduated third in her
class at one of the most prestigious law schools in the country couldn't find a
single firm in America that would hire her. And that with all her talent and
brilliance, she had to start her career as an unpaid assistant to a legal
secretary at a county attorney's office in Arizona.
But I'll also mention that years later, the progress made by
the women's movement made it possible for Sandra Day O'Connor to leave Arizona
and become the first female justice of the United States Supreme Court. And
today, if they want to find a female lawyer in a position of prominence, they
need look no further than the one they call Mom.
I will tell them all of this not to understate the
challenges women face in this new century - challenges to choice and about pay
and violence and employment and family - but to illustrate that in all the
struggles of past generations, one of the most remarkable achievements of this
very American movement has been to forge a consensus around this ideal of equal
opportunity - around the notion that discrimination based on gender has no
place in our society or in our laws.
The result of this consensus is that today, if you ask any
number of men, women, Democrats, Republicans, liberals or conservatives,
"Do you believe that your daughters should have the same opportunities as
your sons?", the answer you would hear most frequently is "Of
course." And when you say "of course," it becomes harder to
argue that women shouldn't get equal pay for an equal day's work, or that they
shouldn't get the support they need to be good workers and good parents at the
same time.
The other side knows this - they know that equal opportunity
has always been a winning argument for us. And that's why those who don't want
to make it a reality choose to fight on other terms. They make sure that in any
given campaign or debate, the only woman's issue that ever comes up is not
equal pay or health care or family leave, but the narrowest, most divisive
issues like late-term abortion.
Now, the ability for a woman to make decisions about how
many children to have and when - without interference from the government - is
one of the most fundamental freedoms we have. We all know, becoming a parent is
one of the most - if not the most - important jobs there is. No one should make
that decision for a woman and her family but them. And we must keep defending
their right to make this choice in the years to come.
But even as we defend this right, it's important for us to
acknowledge the moral dimension to the choice that's made. Too often in our
advocacy, we forget that. And yet we know that many women who make the choice
may never forget the difficulty that accompanies it. I noticed that when
Hillary Clinton acknowledged this in a speech earlier this year, some
criticized her. But she was merely recognizing an important moral reality for
many.
I also think that whenever possible, we need frame choice
within the broader context of equality and opportunity for women. Because when
we argue big, we win. But when the entire struggle for opportunity is narrowed,
it plays into the hands of those who thrive on the politics of division; who
win by fueling culture wars.
A few weeks ago, I was in Nebraska speaking at the local
chapter of Girls, Inc. As many of you know, this is an organization that, for
over a century, has helped young women gain self-esteem and opportunity through
programs that build job and educational skills, encourage health awareness, and
send women to college on scholarships. Recently, the American Girl doll company
decided to help out Girls, Inc. by selling special bracelets and donating the
proceeds to the organization - a gesture that seems both harmless and
well-intentioned.
Unless, of course, you're the conservative right, in which
case the most sensible response is to call for a boycott of American Girl.
Because apparently, even though it's an issue they don't discuss much and
barely mention on their website, Girls, Inc. happens to believe in a woman's
right to choose and support for girls regardless of their sexual orientation.
And so just like that, an organization dedicated to expanding horizons and
providing new opportunity for young women is turned into a front for
"abortion-on-demand."
This is what they do. But we don't have to let them drag us
into it. There's too much still at stake for women on too many different issues
for us to keep fighting on their terms. Here at NWLC, you work on child care
and education and health care and welfare and employment - and there's no
reason that work should be drowned out by a cultural jihad.
In the coming weeks, many will be scouring the record of
Judge Alito to find out exactly where he stands on choice. Since he would
replace a pivotal swing vote on the Court, this makes sense. But Sandra Day
O'Connor was an independent voice on a host of important women's issues - and
her story exemplifies the equality of opportunity at the heart of the women's
movement.
Whether Samuel Alito will put the law on the side of
upholding this ideal for every American should be at the center of our inquiry
into his judicial philosophy, and I know that NWLC will be leading the way on
this.
It's time to find strength in this movement's roots of
opportunity. At a time where the forces of globalization are transforming the
way we work and live, this means taking a new look at the way government can
help create economic opportunity for all Americans. In this debate, which has
only just begun, it's women who have the most at stake, and women who should be
the strongest voices.
The social contract between Americans and their government -
the bargain that says if you're willing to work hard for your country then your
country will make it easier for you to get ahead and raise a family - was made
for a time when most women stayed home with the kids and most workers stayed
with one company for their entire lives.
But even though this time is long past - even though the
vast majority of women with children today are working, including single
mothers - we still have social policies designed around the old model of the
male breadwinner.
And so women still earn 76% of what men do. They receive
less in health benefits, less in pensions, less in Social Security. They
receive little help for the rising cost of child care. They make up 71% of all
Medicaid beneficiaries, and a full two-thirds of all the Americans who lost
their health care this year. When women go on maternity leave, America is the
only country in the industrialized world to let them go unpaid. When their
children become sick and are sent home from school, many mothers are forced to
choose between caring for their child and keeping their job.
In short, when it comes to making your way in a twenty-first
century economy, our daughters still do not have the same opportunities as our
sons.
The Administration's answer to this would only exacerbate
the problem for women. The idea here is to give everyone one big refund on
their government - divvy it up into some tax breaks, hand them out, and
encourage everyone to use their share to go buy their own health care, their
own retirement plan, their own unemployment insurance, education, and so forth.
But for the single mom who's already making less than her
male counterpart - the mom who had to go without a paycheck for three months
when her daughter was born, who's now facing skyrocketing child care costs and
an employer who doesn't provide health care coverage for part-time work - for
this mom, getting a few hundred bucks off the next tax bill won't solve the
problem, will it?
In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society. But in
our past there has been another term for it - Social Darwinism, every man and
woman for him or herself. It allows us to say to those whose health care or
tuition may rise faster than they can afford - tough luck. It allows us to say
to the women who lose their jobs when they have to care for a sick child - life
isn't fair. It let's us say to the child born into poverty - pull yourself up
by your bootstraps
But there is a problem. It won't work. It ignores our history.
Our economic dominance has depended on individual initiative and belief in the
free market; but it has also depended on our sense of mutual regard for each
other, the idea that everybody has a stake in the country, that we're all in it
together and everybody's got a shot at opportunity
And so if we're serious about this opportunity, if we truly
value families and don't think it's right to penalize parenting, then we need
to start acting like it. We need to update the social contract in this country
to include the realities faced by working women.
When a parent takes parental leave, we shouldn't act like
caring for a newborn baby is a three-month break - we should let them keep
their salary. When parents are working and their children need care, we should
make sure that care is affordable, and we should make sure our kids can go to
school earlier and longer so they have a safe place to learn while their
parents are at work. When a mom or a dad has to leave work to care for a sick
child, we should make sure it doesn't result in a pink slip. When a woman does
lose a job, she should get unemployment insurance even if the job loss was due
to a family emergency and even if she's looking for a part-time job. And in an
economy where health and pension coverage are shrinking, where people switch
jobs multiple times and women don't always depend on their husbands for
benefits, we should have portable health care plans and pensions that any
individual can take with them to any part-time or full-time job and Medicaid
that's there when you need it.
These are ideas that you've all been fighting for here at
NWLC; ideas that go beyond the culture wars we're used to and should be able to
get support on both sides of the aisle. Ideas that - at their core - are about
expanding opportunity for our daughters.
The other day, I was reading through Jonathan Kozol's new
book, Shame of a Nation, which tells of his travels to underprivileged schools
across America.
At one point, Kozol tells about his trip to Fremont High
School in Los Angeles, where he met a girl who tells him that she'd taken
hairdressing twice, because there were actually two different levels offered by
the high school. The first was in hairstyling; the other in braiding.
Another girl, Mireya, listened as her friend told this
story. And she began to cry. When asked what was wrong, she said, "I don't
want to take hairdressing. I did not need sewing either. I knew how to sew. My
mother is a seamstress in a factory. I'm trying to go to college. I don't need
to sew to go to college. My mother sews. I hoped for something else."
I hoped for something else
From the first moment a woman dared to speak that hope - dared to believe that the American Dream was meant for her too - ordinary women have taken on extraordinary odds to give their daughters the chance for something else; for a life more equal, more free, and filled with more opportunity than they ever had. In so many ways we have succeeded, but in so many areas we have much work left to do. The National Women's Law Center has been at the forefront of this journey, and I look forward to working with you as you continue to spread hope and expand opportunity for young women in the years to come. Thank you.