VFW Convention
Orlando, FL
August 19, 2008
Thank you, Commander Lisicki, for your leadership. Let me
also acknowledge the leadership of Virginia Carman, the president of the VFW
ladies auxiliary, as well as my friend Jim Webb who will be speaking here later
today. Finally, let me thank all of the members of the Veterans of Foreign Wars
of the United States of America for inviting me back to this convention. It is
a privilege to be among so many who have given so much for our country.
I stand before you today at a defining moment in our
history. We are in the midst of two wars. The terrorists who attacked us on
9/11 are still at large. Russia has invaded the sovereign nation of Georgia.
Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons. The next Commander-in-Chief is going to have
to exercise the best possible judgment in getting us through these difficult
times.
Yesterday, Senator McCain came before you. He is a man who
has served this nation honorably, and he correctly stated that one of the chief
criteria for the American people in this election is going to be who can
exercise the best judgment as Commander in Chief. But instead of just offering
policy answers, he turned to a typical laundry list of political attacks. He
said that I have changed my position on Iraq when I have not. He said that I am
for a path of "retreat and failure." And he declared, "Behind
all of these claims and positions by Senator Obama lies the ambition to be
president" - suggesting, as he has so many times, that I put personal
ambition before my country.
That is John McCain's prerogative. He can run that kind of
campaign, and - frankly - that's how political campaigns have been run in
recent years. But I believe the American people are better than that. I believe
that this defining momenttan, demands something more of us.
If we think that we can secure our country by just talking
tough without acting tough and smart, then we will misunderstand this moment
and miss its opportunities. If we think that we can use the same partisan
playbook where we just challenge our opponent's patriotism to win an election,
then the American people will lose. The times are too serious for this kind of
politics. The calamity left behind by the last eight years is too great. So let
me begin by offering my judgment about what we've done, where we are, and where
we need to go.
Six years ago, I stood up at a time when it was politically
difficult to oppose going to war in Iraq, and argued that our first priority
had to be finishing the fight against Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda in
Afghanistan. Senator McCain was already turning his sights to Iraq just days
after 9/11, and he became a leading supporter of an invasion and occupation of
a country that had absolutely nothing to do with the 9/11 attacks, and that -
as despicable as Saddam Hussein was - posed no imminent threat to the American
people. Two of the biggest beneficiaries of that decision were al Qaeda's
leadership, which no longer faced the pressure of America's focused attention;
and Iran, which has advanced its nuclear program, continued its support for
terror, and increased its influence in Iraq and the region.
In the run-up to the invasion of Iraq, I warned that war
would fan the flames of extremism in the Middle East, create new centers of
terrorism, and tie us down in a costly and open-ended occupation. Senator
McCain predicted that we'd be greeted as liberators, and that the Iraqis would
bear the cost of rebuilding through their bountiful oil revenues. For the good
of our country, I wish he had been right, and I had been wrong. But that's not
what history shows.
Senator McCain now argues that despite these costly
strategic errors, his judgment has been vindicated due to the results of the
surge. Let me once again praise General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker - they
are outstanding Americans. In Iraq, gains have been made in lowering the level
of violence thanks to the outstanding efforts of our military, the increasing
capability of Iraq's Security Forces, the ceasefire of Shiite militias, and the
decision taken by Sunni tribes to take the fight to al Qaeda. Those are the
facts, and all Americans welcome them.
But understand what the essential argument was about. Before
the surge, I argued that the long-term solution in Iraq is political - the
Iraqi government must reconcile its differences and take responsibility for its
future. That holds true today. We have lost over a thousand American lives and
spent hundreds of billions of dollars since the surge began, but Iraq's leaders
still haven't made hard compromises or substantial investments in rebuilding
their country. Our military is badly overstretched - a fact that has surely
been noted in capitals around the world. And while we pay a heavy price in Iraq
- and Americans pay record prices at the pump - Iraq's government is sitting on
a $79 billion dollar budget surplus from windfall oil profits.
Let's be clear: our troops have completed every mission
they've been given. They have created the space for political reconciliation.
Now it must be filled by an Iraqi government that reconciles its differences
and spends its oil profits to meet the needs of its people. Iraqi inaction
threatens the progress we've made and creates an opening for Iran and the
"special groups" it supports. It's time to press the Iraqis to take
responsibility for their future. The best way to do that is a responsible
redeployment of our combat brigades, carried out in close consultation with
commanders on the ground. We can safely redeploy at a pace that removes our
combat brigades in 16 months. That would be well into 2010 - seven years after
the war began. After this redeployment, we'll keep a residual force to target
remnants of al Qaeda; to protect our service members and diplomats; and to
train Iraq's Security Forces if the Iraqis make political progress.
Iraq's democratically-elected Prime Minister has embraced
this timeframe. Now it's time to succeed in Iraq by turning Iraq over to its
sovereign government. We should not keep sending our troops to fight tour after
tour of duty while our military is overstretched. We should not keep spending
$10 billion a month in Iraq while Americans struggle in a sluggish economy.
Ending the war will allow us to invest in America, to strengthen our military,
and to finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan and the
border region of Pakistan.
This is the central front in the war on terrorism. This is
where the Taliban is gaining strength and launching new attacks, including one
that just took the life of ten French soldiers. This is where Osama bin Laden
and the same terrorists who killed nearly 3,000 Americans on our own soil are
hiding and plotting seven years after 9/11. This is a war that we have to win.
And as Commander-in-Chief, I will have no greater priority than taking out
these terrorists who threaten America, and finishing the job against the
Taliban.
For years, I have called for more resources and more troops
to finish the fight in Afghanistan. With his overwhelming focus on Iraq,
Senator McCain argued that we could just "muddle through" in
Afghanistan, and only came around to supporting my call for more troops last
month. Now, we need a policy of "more for more" - more from America
and our NATO allies, and more from the Afghan government. That's why I've
called for at least two additional U.S. combat brigades and an additional $1
billion in non-military assistance for Afghanistan, with a demand for more
action from the Afghan government to take on corruption and counternarcotics,
and to improve the lives of the Afghan people.
We must also recognize that we cannot succeed in Afghanistan
or secure America as long as there is a terrorist safe-haven in northwest
Pakistan. A year ago, I said that we must take action against bin Laden and his
lieutenants if we have them in our sights and Pakistan cannot or will not act.
Senator McCain criticized me and claimed that I was for "bombing our
ally." So for all of his talk about following Osama bin Laden to the Gates
of Hell, Senator McCain refused to join my call to take out bin Laden across the
Afghan border. Instead, he spent years backing a dictator in Pakistan who
failed to serve the interests of his own people.
I argued for years that we need to move from a
"Musharraf policy" to a "Pakistan policy." We must move
beyond an alliance built on mere convenience or a relationship with one man.
Now, with President Musharraf's resignation, we have the opportunity to do just
that. That's why I've cosponsored a bill to triple non-military aid to the
Pakistani people, while ensuring that the military assistance we do provide is
used to take the fight to the Taliban and al Qaeda in the tribal regions of
Pakistan.
Today, our attention is also on the Republic of Georgia, and
Senator McCain and I both strongly support the people of Georgia and the
Americans delivering humanitarian aid. There is no possible justification for
Russia's actions. Russian troops have yet to begin the withdrawal required by
the cease-fire signed by their president, and we are hearing reports of Russian
atrocities: burning wheat fields, brutal killing, and the destruction of
Georgia's infrastructure and military assets.
This crisis underscores the need for engaged U.S. leadership
in the world. We failed to head off this conflict and lost leverage in our
ability to contain it because our leaders have been distracted, our resources
overstretched, and our alliances frayed. American leadership means getting
engaged earlier to shape events so that we're not merely responding to them.
That's why I'm committed to renewing our leadership and rebuilding our
alliances as President of the United States.
For months, I have called for active international
engagement to resolve the disputes over South Ossetia and Abkhazia. I made it
crystal clear before, at the beginning of, and during this conflict that
Georgia's territorial integrity must be respected, and that Georgia should be
integrated into transatlantic institutions. I have condemned Russian
aggression, and today I reiterate my demand that Russia abide by the
cease-fire. Russia must know that its actions will have consequences. They will
imperil the Civil Nuclear Agreement, and Russia's standing in the international
community - including the NATO-Russia Council, and Russia's desire to
participate in organizations like the WTO and the OECD. Finally, we must help
Georgia rebuild what has been destroyed. That is why I'm proud to join my
friend, Senator Joe Biden, in calling for an additional $1 billion in
reconstruction assistance for the people of Georgia.
These are the judgments I've made and the policies that we
have to debate, because we do have differences in this election. But one of the
things that we have to change in this country is the idea that people can't
disagree without challenging each other's character and patriotism. I have
never suggested that Senator McCain picks his positions on national security
based on politics or personal ambition. I have not suggested it because I
believe that he genuinely wants to serve America's national interest. Now, it's
time for him to acknowledge that I want to do the same.
Let me be clear: I will let no one question my love of this
country. I love America, so do you, and so does John McCain. When I look out at
this audience, I see people of different political views. You are Democrats and
Republicans and Independents. But you all served together, and fought together,
and bled together under the same proud flag. You did not serve a Red America or
a Blue America - you served the United States of America.
So let's have a serious debate, and let's debate our
disagreements on the merits of policy - not personal attacks. And no matter how
heated it gets or what kind of campaign he chooses to run, I will honor Senator
McCain's service, just like I honor the service of every veteran in this room,
and every American who has worn the uniform of the United States.
One of those Americans was my grandfather, Stanley Dunham.
My father left when I was 2, so my grandfather was the man
who helped raise me. He grew up in El Dorado, Kansas - a town too small to
warrant boldface on a road map. He worked on oil rigs and drifted from town to
town during the Depression. Then he met my grandmother and enlisted after Pearl
Harbor. He would go on to march across Europe in Patton's Army, while my great
uncle fought with the 89th Infantry Division to liberate Buchenwald, my
grandmother worked on a bomber assembly line, and my mother was born at Fort
Leavenworth. After my grandfather left the Army, he went to college on the GI
Bill, bought his home with help from the Federal Housing Authority, and he and
my grandmother moved west in a restless pursuit of their dreams.
They were among the men and women of our Greatest
Generation. They came from ordinary places, and went on to do extraordinary
things. They survived a Depression and faced down fascism. And when the guns
fell silent, America stood by them, because they had a government that didn't
just ask them to win a war - it helped them to live their dreams in peace, and
to become the backbone of the largest middle class that the world has ever
known. In the five years after World War II, the GI Bill helped 15 million
veterans get an education. Two million went to college. Millions more learned a
trade in factories or on farms. Four million veterans received help in buying a
home, leading to the biggest home construction boom in our history.
And these veterans didn't just receive a hand from
Washington - they did their part to lift up America, just as they'd done their
duty in defending it. They became teachers and doctors, cops and firefighters
who were the foundation of our communities. They became the innovators and
small business owners who helped drive the American economy. They became the
scientists and engineers who helped us win the space race against the Soviets.
They won a Cold War, and left a legacy to their children and grandchildren who
reached new horizons of opportunity.
I am a part of that legacy. Without it, I would not be
standing on this stage today. And as President, I will do everything that I can
to keep the promise, to advance the American Dream for all our veterans, and to
enlist them in the cause of building a stronger America.
Our young men and women in uniform have proven that they are
the equal of the Greatest Generation on the battlefield. Now, we must ensure
that our brave troops serving abroad today become the backbone of our middle
class at home tomorrow. Those who fight to defend America abroad must have the
chance to live their dreams at home - through education and their ability to
make a good living; through affordable health care; and through a retirement
that is dignified and secure. That is the promise that we must keep with all
who serve.
It starts with those who choose to remain in uniform, as
well as their families. My wife Michelle has net with military families in
North Carolina, Kentucky and Virginia over the last several months. Every time,
she passes on their stories - stories of lives filled with patriotism and
purpose, but also stories of spouses struggling to pay the bills, kids dealing
with an absent parent, and the unique burden of multiple deployments. The
message that Michelle has heard is what you all know and have lived: when a
loved one is deployed, the whole family goes to war.
The VFW has done an extraordinary job of standing by our
military families - helping out with everything from a phone card for a soldier
who is overseas, to an extra hand around the house. As President, I will stand
with you. We need a Military Families Advisory Board to identify new ways to
ease the burden. We need more official support for the volunteer networks that
help military spouses get by. And we need to make sure that military pay does
not lag behind the private sector, so that those who serve can raise their
families and live the life they've earned.
For those who return to civilian life, I will support their
American Dream in this 21st century just as we supported generations of
veterans in the 20th. That starts with education. Everyone who serves this country
should have the same opportunity that my grandfather had under the GI Bill.
That's why, unlike my opponent, I was a strong and early supporter of Jim
Webb's GI Bill for the 21st Century - a bill that Senator McCain called too
generous. At a time when the skyrocketing cost of tuition is pricing thousands
of Americans out of a college education, this bill provides every veteran with
a real chance to afford a world-class college education. And that's what I'll
continue to stand up for as President.
We must also stand up for affordable health care for every
single veteran. That's why I've pledged to build a 21st century VA. We need to
cut through the red tape - every service-member should get electronic copies of
medical and service records upon discharge. We need to close shortfalls - it's
time to fully fund VA health care, and to add more Vet Centers. We need to get
rid of means-testing - every veteran should be allowed into the VA system. My
opponent takes a different view. He wants to ration care so the VA only serves
combat injuries, while everyone else gets an insurance card. While the VA needs
some real reform to better serve those who have worn the uniform, privatization
is just not the answer. We cannot risk our veterans' health care by turning the
VA into just another health insurer. We need to make sure the VA is strong
enough to treat every veteran who depends on it. That's what I'll do as
President.
And we must expand and enhance our ability to identify and
treat PTSD and Traumatic Brain Injury at all levels: from enlistment, to
deployment, to civilian life. No one should suffer in silence, or slip through
the cracks in the system. That's why I've passed measures to increase screening
for these unseen wounds, and helped lead a bipartisan effort to stop the unfair
practice of kicking out troops who suffer from them. This is something I've
fought for in the Senate, and it's something that I'll make a priority as
President.
Economic security for our veterans also depends on revamping
an overburdened benefits system. I congratulate the VFW for what you've done to
help veterans navigate a broken VBA bureaucracy. Now it's time for the
government to do a better job. We need more workers, and a 21st century
electronic system that is fully linked up to military records and the VA's
health network. It's time to ensure that those who've served get the benefits
that they've earned.
Just as we give veterans the support they deserve, we must
also engage them and all Americans in a new cause: renewing America. I am
running for President because I believe that there is no challenge too great
for the American people to meet if they are called upon to come together. In
America, each of us is free to seek our dreams, but we must also serve a common
purpose, a higher purpose. No one embodies that commitment like a veteran.
Just think of the skills that our troops have developed
through their service. They have not simply waged war in Afghanistan and Iraq -
they have rebuilt infrastructure, supported new agriculture, trained police
forces, and developed health care systems. For those leaving military service,
it's time to apply those skills to our great national challenges here at home.
That means expanding programs like Troops-to-Teachers that
put veterans at the front of the classroom. That means tapping the talent of
engineers who've served as we make a substantial investment to rebuild our
infrastructure and create millions of new jobs. That means dramatically
expanding national service programs to give Americans of all ages, skills and
stations the chance to give back to their communities and their country. I'll
also enlist veterans in forging a new American energy economy. That's why I've
proposed a Green Veterans initiative to give our veterans the training they
need to succeed in the Green Jobs of the future - so that they put themselves
on a pathway to a successful career, while ensuring that our national security
is never held hostage to hostile nations.
This is how we can help our veterans live their dreams while
helping our country meet the challenges of the 21st century. And this is what
we have learned from so many generations of veterans, including those of you
here today - that your contribution to the American story does not end when the
uniform comes off. We need those who serve in our military to live their dreams
- and to continue serving the cause of America - when the guns fall silent.
That's what the VFW stands for, and if I have the honor of being your
President, that's what my Administration will work for every single day.
Because I believe that we have a sacred trust with those who serve in our
military. That trust is simple: America will be there for you just as you have
been there for America. It's a trust that begins at enlistment, and it never
ends.
I thought of that trust last week when I visited the Pearl
Harbor Memorial. I saw where the bombs fell on the USS Arizona, and where a war
began that would reshape the world order while reshaping the lives of all who
served in it - from our great generals and admirals, to the enlisted men like
my grandfather. Then I visited his grave at the Punchbowl, the National Memorial
Cemetery of the Pacific.
I still remember the day that we laid my grandfather to
rest. In a cemetery lined with the graves of Americans who have sacrificed for
our country, we heard the solemn notes of Taps and the crack of guns fired in
salute; we watched as a folded flag was handed to my grandmother and my
grandfather was laid to rest. It was a nation's final act of service and
gratitude to Stanley Dunham - an America that stood by my grandfather when he
took off the uniform, and never left his side.
This is what we owe our troops and our veterans. Because in every note of Taps and in every folded flag, we hear and see an unwavering belief in the idea of America. The idea that no matter where you come from, or what you look like, or who your parents are, this is a place where anything is possible; where anyone can make it; where we look out for each other, and take care of each other; where we rise and fall as one nation - as one people. It's an idea that's worth fighting for - an idea for which so many Americans have given that last full measure of devotion. Now it falls to us to advance that idea just as so many generations have before.